THE PASSIONATE SKEPTIC |
*(c) Thor May 1996. All
rights reserved
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different way, in military & maritime skills training. However the
TAFE configuration as we know it is less than a generation old. There
seem to be forces gathering which are bent on destroying the sector. It
is an appropriate time to ask whether this vessel has a star to steer by,
or is doomed to vanish in the gathering storm of economic change.
1. The vocational training and further education sectors of a community
can have a variety of layers, depending upon sophistication and
funding. Australia's particular TAFE configuration may have reached
its greatest institutional complexity by the late 1980's. As with all social
systems, a number of shortcomings and rigidities became evident in
TAFEs. It was reasonable to address whatever problems had arisen in
the TAFE mission and its delivery. However the process has become
highly politicized, and driven by parties who obviously have no serious
understanding of educational process, educational quality, or the social
and economic benefits that flow from a skilled and informed
population. Indeed the language with which we express quality itself
has been stolen, debased and sloganized to a point where it is difficult
to debate the issues in public. If this debate is to have meaning at all, it
is necessary to go back to first causes and to establish a context for the
situation which is emerging. The discussion which follows makes some
attempt at this, and suggests some consequences.
2. Every community on earth has its conservative and more progressive
protagonists. Wherever the social system allows political pluralism, we
find conservative and progressive wings. In Australia we have
accommodated, even relished, this natural division on the premise that
one wing will keep the more unbalanced enthusiams of the other wing
in check, both within parties and across the political spectrum. It has
worked, more or less, while some consensus remained on national
goals, if not always on methods. In the past it has been our national
salvation to forge this consensus. We are entering a phase where a
consensus of interests is harder to identify, and in some cases seems to
be actively undermined.
3. Those with power to mobilize capital, whether multinational
companies or local entrepreneurs, or whatever political proxies they
can lever into control, are less and less driven by a need to form
alliances with those who have little to sell but their labour. The reasons
for this range from industrial automation, to trans-national manufacture
& marketing to the loss of control by nation states over the creation
and distribution of money (which will be soon be largely privatized).
4. The relatively even distribution of wealth in Australia in the second
half of this century (especially) came from a shotgun marriage of
capital and labour behind protective tariff barriers. The solution had its
problems, sometimes tolerating indiscipline and low productivity. It
also had much success. In this system, equality of opportunity was a
realistic political goal and it gave rise, amongst other things, to a
vibrant mass education system based on merit and available to all.
5. The new political landscape, which is being marketed as modern,
desirable and "open" is in fact one in which wealth is to be
concentrated in the hands of a small, privileged class, the middle class
is to be drastically downsized, and a very large part of the population is
to be essentially denied the opportunity to develop economic power or
intellectual growth. Labour will be either bought at $1 a day from Third
World slave markets, or displaced by automation. Government can no
longer be sensibly said to represent the aspirations of all of the people.
There is nothing new about this unbalanced model. Variations of it
have been the norm since Neolithic times and still predominate
globally. Its re-emergence is being modelled in the American landscape,
which Australia tends to mimic. Both major political parties have
accepted the new paradigm as realpolitik.
6. A century ago crude, early capitalism led to the crude early reactions
of Marxism, autocratic Communism and Nazism. These were solutions
by political slogan which proved sterile and generated mass misery. In
1996 a small, though not necessarily influential, international elite does
have some accumulated understanding of economics and social growth.
It is being poorly accessed by local decision makers however, even
those with honest intentions. There has been much vain-glory, but a
striking lack of political intelligence at work in our recent leadership as
it wrestles with the transition from local democracy to trans-national
plutocracy. A characteristic of such political transitions is that words
themselves lose their reference points, empty rhetoric flourishes and the
regard for honest intention plummets. We are far enough into the
process now for sharper minds to notice that many public statements
have to be read as code for an agenda that most of us revile.
7. What are the consequences for mass education, and the TAFE
system in particular, of the emerging political changes outlined above?
Firstly, since education is the mechanism by which we transmit
civilization from one generation to the next, large changes in our social
and economic structures will always cause changes in the educational
process. If it is no longer of economic (hence political) value to those
with power to maximize the knowledge base of the general population,
then we must expect aggressive attempts to modify those institutions
which transmit knowledge.
8. Australian mass education is under sustained attack at every level
from primary to tertiary. Changes proceed under the rhetoric of reform,
rationalization, economy or competitive improvement. The adjectives
don't much matter; they are temporizations by the salesman. Even the
mechanisms don't much matter; they are inventions of the moment. We
can argue with the details, become lost in the trees. Certainly there is
often a need for reform, improvement and perhaps re-deployment.
However, behind the confusion of battle here is not a struggle for better
education, but for the abandonment of genuine education for a large
part of the population. This is a radical idea, certainly not grasped by
many of the managerial lieutenants in the field. They really do think
they are working for "improved productivity" (without wondering what
productivity really is), for a "competitive edge" (even as it destroys
pathways for students they are paid to guide), or for a "rational
distribution" of diminishing resources (while not understanding why the
resources are diminishing).
9. Technical and Further Education has already lost the "Further
Education" segment of its title in public political reference. It is de
rigeur to talk now of Vocational Education and Training (V.E.T.), as if
further education had become irrelevant to a workforce which must
expect to change occupations half a dozen times in a lifetime, and has
no useful human role beyond screwing up the widget of the moment.
Now vocational training is to be taken from the institutions and given
back to the workshops of the nation.
10. We can scarcely argue with the importance of workplace
experience. But as educators we challenge the proposition that most
industry in its multitude of offices and factory sites has the knowledge
base, teaching skills, resources and above all the will to properly
educate the working people of this country. We got past that when the
economy grew beyond craft guilds. We look at the provisions for
workplace assessment and smell potential for corruption, evasion and a
disregard for genuine, consistent standards. This has been the outcome
of self-regulation everywhere in industry; why should training be
different? Those amongst us who want genuine TAFE reform see
assessment as the weakest area in the institutions themselves: a system
in which the able have little incentive to excel, and the inept are
rewarded with equal status for simply attending. Is this to be
challenged? No. It is to be generalized beyond all serious auditing, into
industry.
11. For perhaps a generation, TAFE teaching has been a genuine
vocation. Throughout the sector are professional teachers with expert
skills acquired over many years. Relatively security of tenure has
enabled them to develop programs for their specialization, trial them
and present them in an expert way to generations of students. There
are, as in any profession, poor or indifferent teachers who need
retraining or easing into other occupations. However, current personnel
plans for TAFE evolution take no account of the good, the bad or the
indifferent in teaching. Rather, the clear intention of management is to
casualize the workforce. The net effect of this is already becoming
apparent: the destruction of TAFE teaching as a profession. TAFEs in
the current mode are asset-stripping human resources. More and more
we see "trainers" with no knowledge of how to develop the potential in
each student. They do their stuff and are out the door. On a low hourly
rate, who wouldn't be? And who would bother with advanced tertiary
qualifications to enter into a career with three month security and
AUD$19200 pro rata per annum ($24 x 800 hours) regardless of experience?
This is not the dynamic of a profession with rising standards.
12. We all live in a bubble of time, and are apt to think that now is the
way things always were. It wasn't of course, and isn't in most other
places. Our country, our institutions, our society itself is a miracle of
the moment, enjoying one brief summer of a generation or two on a
journey from a fascist prison camp two centuries ago to heaven knows
where. Sixty years ago we were neck and neck with Argentina,
remarkably similar societies. They took one turning, into disaster. By
luck and occasional good management we took another. The road
ahead continues to branch. Our neighbours on the Pacific rim, starting
from a zero base, are rushing furiously into industrialization and
dreaming of the society which we seem determined to lose. Our
leaders, dazed with economic babble and bought off with American
Express gold cards, talk of microeconomic reform while they
systematically destroy the human skill base that is our greatest asset.
13. As political storms threaten to sweep institutions from under our
feet it is easy to become confused about objectives, or even seduced by
the slogans of the moment. Yet we recall that the results of our work go
beyond the classroom and the factory floor, colour the lives of millions.
We act on that responsibility as best we can. A TAFE is not a pickle
factory, but a colloquium of active minds in pursuit of knowledge,
understanding and skills. It is neither making nor selling a generic
product, but providing a guided environment in which individuals have
the chance to cultivate socially and economically useful skills,
according to personal aptitude.
14. If you tell me that the educational concept of TAFEs, as I have
described it, is outdated, that the client is not the individual but
industry, then I must reply that "industry" is a phantom when it comes
to learning. I have never sat a Mr. Industry down with a smile and
coaxed him to understand anything. My clients are men and women
with needs and limitations which would have been familiar to Aristotle,
Euclid or the Gautama Buddha. The goals which I facilitate, and the art
which I must practice in that facilitation, are relearned by each
generation but scarcely change in substance, whatever the jargon of the
day. If TAFEs are abolished in all but name, we will see the
disappearance of one more venue where learning can occur, but no spin
doctor can redefine learning itself, the conditions which make it
possible, not the ancient art of helping it to happen. There are constant
values for the noblest profession known to every civilization, that of
teacher. These values are a navigation star which politicians have
dimmed, but never quite extinguished.